Konar Villagers Credit PK With Setting Narrative, But Split Over His Decision Not to Contest
In the heart of Rohtas district’s Konar village stands a two-storey house built in the 1970s. Its walls are weathered, paint peeling, showing signs of decades gone by. But the man who calls this place home—Jan Suraaj founder Prashant Kishor—is now attempting to shake the very foundations of Bihar’s political establishment. The village has been waiting for his return, and when he arrived in early November, he brought with him both hope and unanswered questions.
Setting the Poll Narrative: Recognition Without the Seat
Walk through Konar village and you’ll find 72-year-old Kedar Pandey, who has been looking after Kishor’s ancestral home since 1970. Sitting beside him is neighbour Ramesh Pandey. Both men share a common sentiment: had Prashant Kishor himself contested the Bihar elections, “the Jan Suraaj cadre would have been far more galvanised.”
Yet Kedar is quick to add something crucial. “Kishor has set the narrative for this election,” he says. “The media hasn’t been able to properly measure his impact yet.” There’s pride in his voice when he speaks about the political strategist who helped elect prime ministers and chief ministers across India, now battling political giants like Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad on his home turf.
Ramesh recalls Kishor’s childhood. “He was stubborn from the beginning,” he says with a smile. “Whether it was sports or competitions, he never accepted defeat. Today, that same determination is visible—he’s challenging the biggest names in Bihar politics.”
But beneath the pride lies a hint of regret. The villagers wonder: what if Kishor had contested from Kargahar or another seat? Would the outcome have been different?
Twenty-five-year-old Ayush, who works in Delhi and returned home for Chhath festival to vote, captures this dilemma perfectly. “Bihar has tremendous potential, but the state’s image in major cities is poor,” he says. “Kishor showed us a dream of change. Had he contested himself, things might have been different.”
The “X-Factor” Question: Mobilisation Versus Organisation
Kishor’s decision not to contest has created a fundamental tension within Jan Suraaj’s strategy. Some villagers believe it was the right call. “If he had directly contested, the organisational work wouldn’t have happened,” Ramesh argues. “Now he’s traveling across the entire state, strengthening Jan Suraaj’s base in every district.”
But Kedar harbors doubts. “Ground-level workers need a leader who is himself contesting,” he says. “Kishor’s absence from the ballot might disappoint the cadre. We’ll have to wait and see what the results say.”
The data appears to support both perspectives. According to a JVC survey conducted before the elections, approximately 46 percent of respondents believed Kishor’s decision not to contest would benefit the NDA alliance. Meanwhile, 36 percent felt it would advantage the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). The remaining 18 percent believed it would make no difference at all.
This split isn’t just reflected in surveys—it’s visible in conversations across Konar village and beyond.
The Caste Challenge: Can Jan Suraaj Rise Above Traditional Politics?
Kishor has repeatedly claimed that Jan Suraaj doesn’t engage in caste-based politics. In an early November interview, he stated, “Caste cannot be erased from society, but Jan Suraaj is not playing caste politics.”
Yet Bihar’s political reality is deeply entrenched in caste calculations. For decades, the state’s elections have been fought along caste lines—Nitish Kumar’s JDU relies on upper castes and Extremely Backward Classes (EBC), while Lalu Prasad’s RJD banks on the Muslim-Yadav combination.
Jan Suraaj’s candidate selection reveals a nuanced approach to this challenge. While Kishor claims to avoid caste politics, his party has fielded candidates ensuring “proportional representation” from various caste groups. For instance, in Beldaur seat, Jan Suraaj fielded a Nishad candidate, disrupting the traditional JDU-EBC versus Congress-OBC contest that played out in 2020.
The strategy is deliberate: break the traditional voting blocs without explicitly invoking caste.
Research from Azim Premji University shows that 57 percent of Bihar voters prefer leaders from their own caste. However, 43 percent prioritize development, governance track record, and party vision over caste identity. This 43 percent represents Kishor’s primary target audience.
Young voters in Konar fall squarely into this category. “If BJP and JDU’s politics is based on caste, then Kishor can offer something new,” says a 23-year-old college student. But the village elders remain skeptical. “Caste politics cannot be changed so easily,” Kedar cautions. “First-time voters might think differently, but understanding Bihar’s tradition takes time.”
The Two-Edged Sword: Impact on NDA and Mahagathbandhan
Political analysts describe Jan Suraaj as a “double-edged sword.” In some constituencies, it damages the NDA; in others, it hurts the Mahagathbandhan. Consider Arrah seat, where in 2020, a BJP Bhumihar candidate defeated a CPI(ML) Muslim candidate. This time, Jan Suraaj fielded Dr. Vijay Kumar Gupta, from an upper caste community, directly challenging BJP’s upper-caste support base.
In such “swing” seats, Jan Suraaj’s presence could prove decisive. This uncertainty is precisely why many predict the 2025 results will look dramatically different from 2015 or 2020.
Former Union Minister Anurag Thakur took a dig at Kishor’s decision, questioning how someone who doesn’t contest can claim to understand Bihar’s pulse. But Kishor’s supporters argue that his strategic positioning across the state—rather than getting locked into one constituency—allows broader impact.
Hope and Uncertainty in Konar
Walking through Konar village today, Jan Suraaj posters and flags are everywhere. Walls carry slogans: “Jan Suraaj aayega, garibi mitayega, sundar raj laayega” (Jan Suraaj will come, poverty will be eliminated, good governance will arrive). A Class 2 student sings the slogan aloud when asked about Kishor.
The first phase of voting concluded on November 6 with a historic 64.66 percent turnout—the highest since Independence. Kishor attributed this surge to two factors: public desire for change and the unexpected participation of migrant workers who stayed back during the festive season.
“More than 60 percent of Bihar’s population wants change,” Kishor declared. “With Jan Suraaj’s arrival, people finally have an alternative.”
Whether that alternative translates into electoral success remains to be seen. The second phase of voting is scheduled for November 11, with results to be declared on November 14.
The Verdict Awaits
For now, one thing is certain: Prashant Kishor has successfully shifted Bihar’s electoral conversation. Whether Jan Suraaj wins or loses, the party has injected new energy into the state’s politics by focusing on development, governance, and youth aspirations rather than traditional caste equations.
The villagers of Konar continue to wait—not just for Kishor’s next visit, but for November 14 when the verdict will finally reveal whether their hometown son made the right strategic call by staying off the ballot.
In Kedar’s words: “Kishor has always been stubborn. He sets his own path. Now we’ll see if Bihar is ready to walk with him.”
Key Takeaways
Poll Narrative: Villagers credit Kishor with fundamentally changing the conversation around Bihar elections, shifting focus to development and anti-incumbency rather than caste-based voting.
Contested Decision: The decision not to contest personally has divided opinion—some see it as strategic brilliance enabling state-wide organization, others view it as a missed opportunity to galvanise workers.
Caste Challenge: Despite claims of being above caste politics, Jan Suraaj faces the reality that 57 percent of voters still prefer caste-based representation, though 43 percent are open to alternative politics.
Two-Way Impact: Jan Suraaj’s presence affects both NDA and Mahagathbandhan differently across constituencies, making it a wild card in close races.
Historic Turnout: The record 64.66 percent turnout in phase one could signal the change Kishor predicts—or simply reflect increased political competition.
The final answer to whether Prashant Kishor’s strategy succeeded will come on November 14 when votes are counted and Bihar’s political future becomes clear.
